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STORY OF TRANSNATIONAL COMPLAINTS MECHANISM:
HOW IT HAS BEEN BLOCKED
Oktay Ekþi
Former President of WAPC
cil
“Is there a remedy for those who claim that unfair attacks or unsustained stories of the transnational media have been detrimental to them? Or If a mechanism were created to establish a voluntary journalist prototype damage democracy and Freedom of Communication (Free Expression and Press)?”
These questions have been widely discussed by the media world in recent years. But they are still far from being answered..
I would like to relate a story of such an attempt and draw your attention to a problem that still exists and awaits to be solved . :
It was the very first time that an Indian journalist, Mr. H. K. Dua, then Editor-in-Chief of Indian Express daily, asked a question to the panelists of the 44th General Assembly and World Congress of the International Press Institute held in Seoul in May 1995, who said::
“Dailies, magazines, radio and television broadcasting across the borders do not merely provide cultural transformation. But they also lead to an unjustified and audacious aggression against the individuals they target via the false news and other material they publish noncommensurate with basic professionalism. I wonder if it is not possible to set up a mechanism whose goal would be to audit ourselves in order that such aggression may be avoided?”
None of the panelists could give a satisfactory answer to Mr. Dua’s question.
Mr.Dua’s question was brought up by the Turkish Press Council in a WAPC meeting in Helsinki in early June of the same year. The idea was, ”Is it possible to establish a voluntary mechanism that would deal with the complaints about internationally delivered print media outlets, radios, TV channels and other media?”
We proposed a mechanism based on the voluntary cooperation of the concerned parties.
This proposal was received with interest and included in the agenda, despite the objection of the delegates from Austria, Cyprus and Finland.
In March 1996, The Turkish Press Council organized a “round-table” meeting in Istanbul. At this point Prof. David Flint, then Chairman of WAPC, in the name of Working Group –which was established in theAugust 1995 Colombo meeting of WAPC- presented a “proposal” to the Round Table.
Some participants like late Lord Oliver McGregor (then President of WAPC) and IPI Director Johann Fritz objected.
Their objection was based on the fear that, “Such a mechanism might eventually come under the influence or pressure of governments, thus creating a system that would hinder free expression.”
At the same meeting some participants questioned the possibility of setting up an “international code of ethics.”
The delegates, who supported the proposal gave detailed information as to the advantages of such a mechanism. As an example, a program of a German TV Channel was brought to the meeting where “ Turkish peasants helping the PKK in the Antalya mountains” was proven to be lie. In fact, this program had been fabricated in Greece.
Also, the attention of some delegates was drawn to documentaries claimed to have been shot in the Kashmir area, whereas they were actually taken in the Bosnian war.
Finally the Working Group was assigned to:
· Study the attitude of organizations that carry transnational broadcast or printed matter upon receipt of such complaints.
· Publish the results of these studies.
The crucial meeting was the Istanbul Conference of WAPC that was held in September 1998.
It was crucial because the question (or proposal) was the main topic of the agenda and all concerned parties were invited.
At this point, Mr. Ronald Koven, The European Representative of World Press Freedom Committee, who was against the idea of creating a mechanism of this kind, from the very beginning started a campaign to kill the proposal. He –I understand- convinced some prominent journalists like Rosemary Righter of London Times and some professional organisations like American Society of Newspaper Editors (ASNE).
Mr. Edward Seaton, then President of ASNE said, “They (WAPC and its supporters) are going out into deep water, and it is water that they shouldn’t be swimming in.”
ASNE’s Executive Director Mr. Lee Stinnet accused the organizers (namely the Turkish Press Council and WAPC) of “trying to devise yet another collar for the press.”
Rony Koven wrote to Oktay Ekþi in his letter of 12 June 1998, to remind “the long standing objection of WPFC” to the proposal. His points were:
· The very existence of such a mechanism would be “a standing invitation for proposals to make its rulings mandatory under international law.
· The press in many democratic countries, including France and the United States, where the press is generally acknowledged to be among the world’s freest, has rejected the idea of organizing a national press council, let alone the global creation of an association of national councils.
· The very existence of an “International Code of Ethics for the Media” voluntary or not, would inevitably be used by governments against the press.
As a matter of fact, we could not convince Mr.Koven that:
· As transnational broadcast and publishing is a common practice in a global society, no one can resist the need of regulation for long. The point is, regulations must meet the needs of a democratic society and and provide genuine free expression. That is why, the best way of preventing governments from intervening in the press world is to create a mechanism of this kind.
· It is certainly much better and safer to do this by ourselves and create a voluntary mechanism which –I underline again- would be a staunch defender of freedom of communication (free expression and free communication).
· No one has ever claimed that an “Internationally applicable Code of Ethics for the Media” is a must. As once Prof. David Flint pointed out, “A voluntary mechanism for trans-national media complaints would act like the Quebec Press Council” which is renown for not having a written Code of Ethics.
In fact, when Prof. Dr. David Flint defended the idea of establishing a Voluntary Mechanism for transnational complaints, he said that:
· Alternate to this, is “to allow injustice to continue.”
· If we create such a mechanism, it would be “A response to the growing loss of confidence in the media.”
· It would balance the power of the concerned Government.
· And it would be a response to globalisation.
When he was explaining his views he emphasized that:
“We live in a world where national boundaries seem to be evaporating. At least in the field of communications and the media (…).
We shall have newspapers without frontiers. We shall have radio without frontiers. We shall have television without frontiers. We do not want to propose control, beyond frontiers.
Should we not equally enjoy an opportunity to respond across frontiers?
Should we not expect accuracy and fairness across frontiers?
Should we not therefore extend the working market place of ideas across national frontiers?”
As it is clear, there were numerous contradictory views on this question. Also some –like Mr. Ronald Koven- claimed that it was about establishing a tribunal, which had nothing to do with the idea.
As this was another point in the debate, let me summarise how this mechanism would work:
The main object of the mechanism was to mediate first, as Prof. David Flint once suggested:
If the question can not be resolved through mediation then it would adjudicate and declare its opinion.
The mechanism would ensure that, in respect to any complaint, local remedies would be exhausted first.
There would have to be a formula for selecting “ad hoc” complaints committees to hear and adjudicate the complaints.
These would not only be complaints about the media but also complaints about media conduct.
Also a Freedom Committee could monitor legal and political restrictions to ensure that the restrictions were those necessary in a civilized and democratic society.
It could select the world’s best application in relation to freedom of communication, and argue that this would apply to other interested countries.
Complaints could be evaluated conforming to “general guidelines” of law and “free and responsible” journalism sustained by the practices of the International Court of Justice and the Quebec Press Council.
At the Istanbul Conference three Working Groups were established.
The Working Groups studied all views expressed in this question.
Eventually WAPC decided to remove this proposal from it’s agenda until appropriate conditions are established.
Is it to late to ask?
If we could succeed in establishing such a mechanism, would the Danish Caricature of September 2005, hurt all the concerned parties to such an extent?
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